Few travelers visited Franklin. The
barrier interposed by nature between it
and North Carolina in two lofty mountain
chains deflected the strong current of
travel from Carolina to Kentucky and the
Cumberland country, through Flour Gap,
Abingdon, Martin's Station and
Cumberland Gap, and away from the
territory of the Franks. The main
wilderness road through these places was
reached by a lateral road from Franklin
which passed near the Long Island of
Holston, forming the junction at the
North Fork of Holston a few miles
southeast of Moccasin Gap in Virginia.
Most of the travelers to the West in the
years 1784-1789 passed over the main
road; and therefore few journals or
diaries of travel relate to the
comparatively secluded country of
Franklin; and as the Cherokees occupied
the country to the south, few travelers
to Georgia passed through the territory
of Franklin.
It so happens that the only visitors who
made anything like ample records of
their visits to Franklin -were ministers
of the gospel—men of intelligence, whose
comments are illuminative of life on the
frontier.
The Moravian Brethren, who had settled
their Wachovia grant around Salem, North
Carolina, in 1753, from the outset had
it in purpose to spread the gospel among
the Cherokee Indians. In 1783, they sent
one of the brethren, Martin Schneider,
on a visit to the Overhill Cherokees to
propose the establishment of a mission
in their country. Brother Schneider set
out from Wachovia December 19th with
letters of introduction from Colonel
Martin Armstrong to Colonel John Sevier
and Colonel Joseph Martin, intending to
meet a delegation of the Indians at Long
Island. Passing through Flour Gap, by
Christmas eve he reached the
neighborhood of Colonel Evan Shelby,
where he learned that three weeks before
nine of the Chickamauga Indians had been
at the home of Colonel Sevier,
complaining that the white people were
settling on their lands. "But Colonel
Sevier would not hear them and made as
if he did not understand them, on
account of which the Indians grew very
angry and said that next spring they
would find the scalps of the white
people. . . In the neighborhood were
frolics, shooting and fighting. My
companion went to one of the frolics at
Colonel Shelby's where General
Rutherford, of Salisbury, lies with his
people, with whom he intends to go to
Muscle Shoals in Cumberland where land
is measured out for the soldiers.1
Dec. 26th. I pursued my journey alone
and arrived in the evening safely in the
house of Colonel Joseph Martin, two
miles to the right hand of Long Island
and one hundred and eighty miles from
Salem. Here I found not the least
appearance of the treaty which was the
occasion of my journey. Colonel Martin
himself had set out for the Cherokee
towns on the 22nd; but his people
believed that he was still with Mr.
Harland,2 an Indian trader,
forty miles from his home. I set out
early on the 27th... This morning, I
passed the north fork of the Holston
river and came in the evening to Captain
Amis'3 where I met a young
Indian trader whose name was Grantham.
He was a very welcome man, for upon my
desire he told me the names of the
Indian towns and Colonel Martin's Indian
name4 that, in case Colonel
Martin should be gone and I be obliged
to travel alone, I could tell the
Indians whom I might meet whither I was
going. He also went with me on the 28th
over the Holston river, which is here a
quarter of a mile broad, as far as Mr.
Harland's. Here I found that Mr. Harland
had set out with Colonel Martin on
Christmas day. I was at a loss what to
do. . . It was impossible for me to
return without executing my mission..
Towards evening I came to Colonel
Smith's which is the last house on the
road and where the wagon road ceases. He
showed me the footpath to his father's5
where I stayed all night.
The 29th. In the morning my horse was
nowhere to be seen. I looked for
it two miles around but could not find
it. A neighbor's wife told me that the
same had happened to another man a week
ago, and at last it was found that a
negro had rode it a side way and then
tied it to a tree. I was therefore
obliged to offer a reward for my horse,
and in an hour's time it was brought to
me. I came till in the evening fifteen
miles, but my path became so
undiscernible that I saw no other way
but to return the next day to Colonel
Smith's. It continued to snow very fast.
I therefore made a fire before a leaning
or bended tree, which was burnt hollow,
and set myself during the night in that
hollow tree where I was kept dry, but
was dyed pretty black. The next morning
the snow was of good service to me, for
I had forgot to take my night's lodging
near a water, and I could melt snow for
my coffee.
The 30th. I arrived again with Colonel
Smith, and was obliged to resolve to
take a man and horse as guide with me to
Island Ford on French Broad forty-five
miles hence, for which they asked three
dollars.
The 31st. I set out anew with my guide
and came in the evening to Mr. Jesse
Gentry's 5a twenty-six miles
farther. Between Messrs. Smith and
Gentry there are about three or four new
settlers.
The New Year of 1784 found the traveler
at the French Broad river. He comments
upon the clearness of the western
streams, with their stone or gravel
beds.
The country from Flour (Flower) Gap
hitherto is very hilly, on which account
most of the plantations lie between two
ridges, and are very narrow and long.
But the wood, even on the highest
mountains is very thick and good, and
the land in the valleys is very fertile.
Often I wished that we had one of their
many limestone hills in our
neighborhood. The people there make
scarcely any use of it. Towards evening
I went into a house to warm myself a
little because it was very cold. The man
whose name was Hap- pert [Hubbard]6
asked me about my business with the
Indians, which I told him. He did not
seem to be satisfied. He, however, bid
me a forced civil farewell; but I was
scarce gone a hundred steps when he
called me back in anger and said he must
know my business better, for as I was
going to Colonel Martin I could have no
good intention. I did all I could to
pacify him, and assured him that I knew
nothing at all of their land affairs,
whereby I brought it at last so far that
he dispatched me with some curses. This
man and many others are such enemies to
Colonel Martin that he has reason to be
very much on his guard on his journeys,
and that merely because he takes the
part of the Indians and has effected it
with the government that the country of
the Cherokees has been confirmed to them
by an act of Assembly, and will not
suffer that the white people settle on
their hunting grounds. But these people
would rather like to extirpate them
altogether and take their land
themselves. They scarce look upon them
as human creatures, which I could often
perceive in their conversations.
In the evening I went to the ford of
French Broad river to an island about
three-fourths of a mile broad. The river
is but narrow; I tried to ride through
it, but in vain, because my guide was
not acquainted with it. He showed
me the path to Captain Guest's7
three miles down the river, and then
returned home. In the midst of the wood
when I had lost my path I met the first
Indian who in a very friendly manner
showed me by signs the right road. He
thereupon shaked my saddlebags, out of
which I gave him some bread and meat,
and it seemed it was what he wanted.
With Captain Guest I stayed all night.
His old father,8 who is still
living, was in the first times a beloved
neighbor of Bethabara9 and
knew still the names of all the brethren
who then lived there; he rejoiced also
heartily to see once more a brother.
The 2nd. Captain Guest brought me over
the French Broad river; the ford goes
over an island belonging to Colonel
Sevier containing nine hundred acres and
is as smooth as a meadow. Captain Guest
told me that eight miles farther up the
river was another island of eight
hundred acres, and in the midst of it a
whole acre dug out, eighteen feet deep.
This round hole is full of water and the
earth dug out so that in the edge still
a ditch remained. On the top of it [the
earthworks] was formerly a house of
earth of which still something is to be
seen. Over the whole island there is a
ditch and a breastwork but the Indians
themselves don't seem to know by whom or
for what purpose all this work has been
done. The common report is that once an
Indian king had his dwelling there. In
the evening I found a fine camp eleven
miles on the other side of Little river,
where I could hide myself in a little
but from a heavy rain.
The 3rd. At ten o'clock in the forenoon
I came to the first Indian house on this
side the Tennessee [Little Tennessee]
river, one hundred and twenty miles from
Long Island. One of them showed me the
ford; I gave him a tobacco pipe and he
explained to me by signs in which house
on the other side, which is called
Sitiko, Colonel Martin was to be found.
Having got on the other side, I saw him
creeping out of an Indian hot-house ;10
and he came to welcome me in a very
friendly manner, and, having read
Colonel Armstrong's letter, he said that
he would be at my service in my concern
as much as he possibly could. He
inquired in a very friendly manner about
the brethren in Salem, where he gladly
had visited long ago and intends soon to
do it. . . He took me with him to his
lodgings in the house of a trader, Mr.
Springston11 who was married
to an Indian woman, but whose
father-in-law was not at home during my
stay there.
Brother Schneider remained among the
Cherokees until the 11th day of January,
and gives an interesting account of
their customs and mode of life. Not
being able to bring the Indians to a
final decision in favor of a mission, he
set out alone on the return journey,
notwithstanding a snow covered the
ground and obscured the path. Reaching
Sevier's Island he selected a camping
place on the lower end. He records in
his journal:
12th. . . . Having forgot on the other
side my tow and dry chips, and here
being all wet, it was almost midnight
before I could cook my supper. The wild
geese and swans flew about me in great
numbers. I could scarce get any sleep
and spent the night in much perplexity,
for the water grew higher and more rapid
and roared beside me most frightfully.
There is almost nobody living in the
neighborhood of whom I could expect any
help, and I saw before my eyes that I
would not get over safely, but yet I
believed our Savior could help me.
13th. I breakfasted before break of day
and put as few clothes on as possible. .
. Three-quarters of the -way [crossing
over the stream] it went very well, but
now two large cakes of ice between which
I must pass got hold of my horse and
with a violent current down the stream
till into a hole twelve or fifteen feet
deep, in which but lately a man was
drowned. My horse which otherwise could
swim very well could scarce keep up on
account of the pointed rocks, on which
account I was several times in water
until under my arms. On the shore there
was no place for landing, because there
was nothing but rocks which are as
straight as a wall and some are hollowed
out twenty feet deep by the violent
current. At last I saw a little opening
between the rocks where, to my good
fortune, was also so much ground that my
horse could stand in the water above his
belly. I jumped down into the water,
took my things off and tied my horse to
a piece of wood fastened by the ice, and
climbed up through the narrow pass, but
which was too straight for my horse. . .
All was to me like a dream, and now I
had to run three miles through the snow
over hills, without roads or paths in
wet clothes to Captain Guest's. . .
Captain Guest and his family were
frightened, seeing me coming without
coat and quite covered with ice, and
cared for me in a most loving manner and
gave me dry clothes. I was so fatigued
that I could scarce speak a word.
Captain Guest and another man went to
fetch my horse out of the water . . . by
tying the bridle to a long pole and in
this manner swim it to the ford, one
pulling before and the other pushing
behind.
The stout-hearted Brother, traveling up
Dumplin Creek then down Long Creek, a
distance of twenty miles, came again
into the "plantations." He notes the
courtesy shown by the settlers in
accompanying him over obscure parts of
the trail, until he again reached the
home of Colonel Smith; thence he passed
on to Long Island where he stayed on the
night of January 17th.
In going and coming, Schneider did not
pass through the more closely settled
portions of the country. He notes
regretfully the failure to see Sevier
"because he lived twenty-five miles out
of my way, on Chuckey river."12
In July, 1785, Governor Sevier was
visited at his home on the Nolachucky by
Piomingo, the greatest chief produced by
the bravest and most chivalrous of all
the Southern tribes, the Chickasaws. He
was accompanied by several other
Chickasaw chiefs and went as high up as
Long Island of Holston while in
Franklin. Everywhere he was given a
cordial reception. Piomingo made a
distinctly favorable impression. A
letter from Franklin in the
Pennsylvania Packet,13
reporting his visit, says: "He seemed to
be a man endowed with more than ordinary
prowess of mind and humanity, for an
Indian. In his speeches, he delivered
himself fluently and with great force of
argument, disclosing a clear knowledge
of the strength and interest of the
Southern tribes, and of the causes and
effect of the late Revolution. These
people are more comely in their persons
and kindlier in their dispositions than
any of the nations I have been
acquainted with. If their present temper
is well improved by the commissioner of
Congress very valuable effects may be
produced."
In another account it is said that
Piomingo spoke freely of the growing
power of the Americans and of the danger
of his people having their country
wrested from them. "He is urgent in
soliciting a trade down the Tennessee,
and says he will protect it from the
plundering parties of the Cherokees. A
small essay may be made. If it succeeds
well it will be an inducement for the
merchants on James river to embark
largely, as it is certain the Tennessee
is the nearest and best communication
between the eastern navigation and the
Mississippi."14
The object of this visit was to seek the
opening of a trade with Franklin and to
form a sort of alliance against the
Creek Indians. The following year the
king and chiefs of the Chickasaws sent a
talk to Governor Sevier in which the
visit of Piomingo was referred to. "As
Piomingo and you promised to let each
other know any news that would be worth
sending, and as the Creeks have since
got mad, we beg to know what time you
intend to destroy them; or, if you
intend to let them always kill your
white people and yet make up with them."15
A young Methodist preacher from New
Jersey, Thomas Ware, rode the Nolachucky
circuit for one year, in 1787-8. He was
educated and observant, and in later
years recorded his experiences which are
interesting in that they give the
impressions made upon one of a sensitive
nature, unaccustomed to the rude life
and the ruder conditions of the
frontier. He says:
In the fall of this year (1787) our
presiding elder received letters from
persons low down the Holston and French
Broad, deploring their destitution of
the gospel, and entreating him, if
possible, to send them a preacher. These
letters he read at a quarterly-meeting
conference; and it was agreed that I
should go and see if I could form a
circuit in those parts. Accordingly I
went. There are many things which
rendered itinerating in that section of
the country, at the time I went,
peculiarly painful to a person like
myself. I was still young in the
ministry, and deeply sensible of my want
of qualifications to act well the part
of a pioneer; but, having pledged myself
to go and having evidence that my feeble
efforts had been crowned with some
success, nothing could deter me from
redeeming my pledge.
The winters are shorter and the climate
less frigid in East Tennessee than in
New Jersey; but sometimes the cold for a
few days is intense. At these times,
especially when I had to ford rivers and
creeks at the risk of life, as I often
had to do, and to lodge in open
cabins, with light bed-clothing and
frequently with several children in the
same bed, I was much exposed to taking
cold, and traveling there on these
accounts was rendered exceedingly
crossing to my nature. But, in addition
to these, much of the time my path was
infested with savage men, the deadly foe
of white men who had but too justly
incurred their resentment; and more
subtle and terrible enemies among human
beings could not be imagined than were
the native red men, incensed at the
wrongs inflicted upon them by the
whites. Several families and individuals
had been murdered by them in places
directly on the routes I had to travel;
and once, at least, I narrowly escaped
being murdered or taken prisoner. My
course led through a fine bottom covered
chiefly with crab-apple trees. I passed
along very slowly, making my
observations on the richness of the
soil, the timber and grass which at that
late season was yet green, and had
thoughts of halting to muse a little in
the grove; but, recollecting at the
moment that I had heard a rumor about
hostile Indians in that vicinity, I
concluded not to stop, but rather mend
my pace. I had now approached a lofty
grove when suddenly my horse stopped,
snorted and wheeled about. As he
wheeled, I caught a glimpse of an Indian
but at too great a distance to reach me
with his rifle. I gave my horse the
reins and hastened to the nearest
settlement to give the alarm. I had been
told that some horses were singularly
afraid of an Indian. Be that as it may,
I have reasons to suppose that the
sudden fright which mine took at seeing
one was the means, under God, of saving
me from death or captivity.
At another time while I was preaching at
the house of a man who had invited us by
letter to visit their settlement, we
were alarmed with the cry of "Indians!"
The terror this cry excited at that
time, none can imagine except those who
witnessed it. Instantly every man flew
to his rifle and sallied forth to
ascertain the ground for the alarm. On
coming out we saw two lads running with
all speed and screaming, "the Indians
have killed mother!" We followed them
about a quarter of a mile and witnessed
the affecting scene of a woman weltering
in her blood. It was what the people
called a good sugar day, and Mrs.
Carter, a brother's wife of the man at
whose house we had met, chose to stay at
home for the purpose of making sugar
rather than go to the meeting, though it
was in sight, and several of her friends
had tried to persuade her to go with
them.
The maple grove, or sugar bush was, near
their dwelling, skirted on the side next
to the river by what is called a
canebrake. Here Mrs. Carter sat by the
side of a large buckeye tree which had
fallen down, spinning and watching her
sugar while her sons were gathering
wood. They happened at the time to be at
a distance and in the direction of their
uncle's house. The Indians were
concealed in the canebrake and, coming
up slyly behind the fallen tree, drove
the tomahawk into her head before she
knew they were near. The Indian who did
the bloody deed was seen by the boys
just as he struck their mother, but they
were at a sufficient distance to make
their escape.
Ware gives an account of the
Sevier-Tipton skirmish, but from
hearsay. He was filling an appointment
on the French Broad at the time and
there came in contact with what he
describes as "a large company of men
going to attack Colonel Tipton." Ware
endeavored to dissuade them from their
purpose, and in such a way that they
concluded he was a friend of Tipton.
Some of them proposed (probably for
sport) to take him before the governor,
who was about ten miles distant, for
trial as a spy. He proceeds with the
narrative:
While they disputed I withdrew to an
adjoining room, hastened to the stable
by a back way, saddled my horse and was
out of their reach before they knew I
was off. Thus I escaped the vengeance of
infuriated men, but became exposed to
imminent danger from another quarter. It
was now near night; and I had twelve or
fifteen miles to ride in order to reach
the first settlement. The river I had to
ford was fifty rods wide and filled with
floating ice which in some places was
congealed into large cakes, rendering
the passage extremely difficult and
dangerous. But my noble beast carried me
safely over.
I had a very imperfect knowledge of the
way, and as the marks of the trees were
my principal guide, it was a matter of
much doubt whether I could find it in
the night. As I feared, it so happened.
I took a path which soon came to an end.
By this time I had become so chilled
that I could scarcely keep myself awake
upon my horse. I was apprized of my
danger, dismounted immediately and ran
to and fro until I became warm. After
taking several cow-paths which led into
the forest from the river, all of which
shortly came to an end, I concluded to
throw the bridle on my horse's neck and
let him have his course, and a little
before midnight he brought me to the
house where I wished to go. The night
was so exceedingly cold, and the house
of my friend so open, that he and his
family had found it more comfortable to
remain up and keep a good fire than to
retire to rest. In this condition I
found them; and never was a good country
fire and a kind reception by friends
more welcome to my feelings.16
To conserve and advance the work of Ware
and his fellow-laborers, Bishop Asbury,
the first apostle of American Methodism,
made a journey across the mountain
ranges and organized the first annual
conference in the West. From that time
until the close of his life he
continued, in feebleness of body, to
make those journeys which in the history
of Christian heroism are unmatched
except by those of the apostle Paul and
Livingston.
Starting westward from North Carolina,
April 28,1788, the good Bishop records
in his journal:17
After getting our horses shod, we made a
move for the Holston, and entered upon
the mountains, the first of which I
called Steel, the second Stone, and the
third Iron mountain: they are rough, and
difficult to climb. We were spoken to on
our way by most awful thunder and
lightning, accompanied by heavy rain. We
crept for shelter into a little dirty
house where the filth might have been
taken up from the floor with a spade; we
felt the want of fire, but could get
little wood to make it, and what we
gathered was wet. At the head of Watauga
we fed, and reached Ward's that night.
Coming to the river next day we hired a
young man to swim over for the canoe, in
which we crossed, while our horses swam
to the other shore. The waters being up
we were compelled to travel an old road
over the mountains. Night came on—I was
ready to faint with a violent headache,
the mountain was so steep on both sides.
I prayed to the Lord for help; presently
a profuse sweat broke out upon me and my
fever entirely subsided. About nine
o'clock we came to Greer's. After taking
a little rest here, we set out next
morning for Brother Cox's on Holston
river. I had trouble enough; our route
lay through the woods, and my pack horse
would neither follow, lead nor drive, so
fond was he of stopping to feed on the
green herbage. I tried the lead and he
pulled back. I tied his head up to
prevent his grazing, and he ran back.
The weather was excessively warm. I was
much fatigued and my temper not a little
tried. I fed at I. Smith's and prayed
with the family. Arriving at the river,
I was at a loss what to do, but
providentially a man came along who
conducted me across. This was an awful
journey to me, and this a tiresome day,
and now, after riding seventy-five
miles, I have thirty-five more to
General Russell's. I rest one day to
revive man and beast.
Friday, May 2. Rode to Washington,18
where I met brother Tunnel on the way to
Mr. C's. We have to put up in houses
where we have no opportunity for
retirement.
Virginia:—Saturday 3. We came to General
Russell's—a most kind family, in deed
and in truth.
Sunday, 4. Preached on Phil. II, 5-9. I
found it good to get alone in prayer.
Tuesday, 6. I had many to hear me at
Easly's on Holston. I was much wearied
riding a strange horse, having left mine
to rest. It is some grief that I cannot
be so much in prayer on the road as I
would be. We had a good time, and a
large congregation at K's.
Tennessee19 __ The
people are in disorder about the Old and
New State: two or three men, it is said,
have been killed.20 At
Nelson's21 I had a less
audience than was expected; the people
having been called away on an expedition
against the New State men: my subject
was Hebr., VI, I I, 12. Rode to Owen's,
and met our brethren from Kentucky,
where I preached on Psalm CXIV, 17, 18,
19, with some fervor. Came to Hubbard's
and Keywood's where we held conference
three days, and I preached each day. The
weather was cold; the room without fire,
and otherwise uncomfortable; we
nevertheless made out to keep our seats
until we had finished the essential
parts of our business.
_________________
1 Br. Schneider evidently was confused
by the talk he heard of the country in
the Big Bend of Tennessee, and thought
the Muscle Shoals were in the Cumberland
river. Rutherford was on his way to
Nashville.
2 Ellis Harland or Harlin.
3 Later, Rogersville.
4 Gluglu, as given by Schneider in
another part of his journal. Probably
gulkalu (tall) as it sounded in the ears
of the traveler.
5 James Smith, Senior and Junior, were
from North Carolina. The one was on the
Wautauga in the early part of 1775. He
served as the first clerk of the land
office under Charles Robertson, Trustee;
was a member of the Committee of Safety
of 1776; and cooperated in defense of
Fort Caswell, on the Watauga in the same
year The other remained longer in North
Carolina where he commanded a company
under the Carolina Committee of Safety,
and in the same year became a member o:
the Committee. N. C. Col. Rec., X, 309,
311. He arose in rank to a majority
which he resigned January ; 1779. lb.,
XIV, 6. Both father and son were
advocates of separation.
5a Of the Jefferson county family of
Gentry, among the earliest settlers in
that region.
6. James Hubbard, elsewhere mentioned.
7 Joshua Gist (sometimes Gest). See
sketch, post, p. 314.
8 Benjamin Gist. See sketch, post, p.
314.
9 One of the Moravian churches in
Wachovia Settlement. For the Gists in
that neighborhood see Fries, Moravian
Records, 1, passim. They were relatives
of Christopher and Nathaniel Gist.
10 "Every family has, besides the
dwelling house, a still smaller
hot-house. This has but a very small
opening to creep into it, and this is
their abode in cold weather.
11. A trader and trusted messenger of
Colonel Martin.
12 MSS. of "Br. Martin Schneider's
Report of His Journey to Long Island on
Holston River, and from thence farther
to the Upper Cherokee Townes on
Tennessee River, from Middle of
December, 1783, till January 24th,
1784." The entire Journal appears in the
author's Early Travels in Tennessee,
published in 1928.
13 Issue of September 30, 1786.
14 Pennsylvania Packet, October 27,
1785.
15 M., December 30, 1785.
16 Ware, Sketches of Life and Travels.
17 Asbury's Journal, II, 31, 32.
18 Washington Court House, now Abingdon,
Virginia.
19 The word "Tennessee" was evidently
inserted by Bishop Asbury in a revision
of his journal at a later date when that
name had been adopted for the
Commonwealth.
20 Reference is to the skirmish at
Tipton's house in February.
21 William Nelson's home was on a ridge,
northwest of and just outside the limit
of the present Johnson City, and on the
farm now owned by Richard Carr. The
Nelson house was a favorite stopping
place of the Bishop—described by him, in
1806, as "an ancient home and stand for
Methodists and Methodist preaching."
journal, III, 206. A marker of granite
is on the farm, commemorating the fact. |
